The Gaelic Revival Gerry OShea
The growth
of nationalism was a dominant theme in 19th century Europe,
culminating in the successful unification movements in Germany and Italy, ending
with capitals in Berlin and Rome.
The new nation-state was defined by ethnic and
language congruence among the citizenry, leading to near-homogeneity among the
vast majority of people in each country. For instance, in Nazi Germany in the
1930’s Jews and Roma gypsies did not qualify as German nationals, and thus they
became lesser people, identified as sub-humans who could be maltreated and much
worse.
This kind of
xenophobia throughout Europe played a major part in the genesis of two
disastrous world wars.
The 19th
century was also the apex of the colonial era where all the major European countries
had extended their power mostly to faraway territories in Africa, Asia and
South America. Great Britain, the king of the colonialists, had expanded its
authority to so many places that they claimed that when the sun set in one part
of the empire it was rising in another.
Ireland was
part of their possessions, ruled from Westminster, with no parliament of its
own. The English overlords considered themselves superior to the native Irish
in every facet of life. Their literature, their games, their religion and
certainly their language existed at a higher level than anything the locals had
to offer. They expected the Irish to recognize their inferiority and behave
with appropriate subservience.
So, true to this preposterous perception, they
made sure that they held all the positions of power and prestige in Ireland. The
landlords, the bureaucrats, the judges and top policemen were all from the
ascendancy class, and any Catholic who broke through the glass ceiling had to follow
the party line coming from Dublin Castle.
The famines
of 1847 and subsequent years dealt a serious blow to the self-confidence of
Irish people, especially in the counties that suffered most along the western
seaboard from Kerry to Donegal. They were a religious people and many felt that
their awful travails were due to heavenly dissatisfaction with their prayers
and behavior.
So many died or headed off on coffin ships
that the people who survived lived with a sense of foreboding of another national
nightmare. How could they argue against a powerful government that preached the
laissez-faire doctrine that the market system was sacred and could not be
interfered with? This libertarian principle was used as a convenient Westminster rationalization excusing them from
providing relief for starving families.
While the
morale of the people was low, this did not preclude an upsurge of nationalism
towards the end of the century. A movement stressing nascent cultural pride and
achievements took root as Irish people connected again with their long history
of local music, dance and storytelling.
In 1884 the
Gaelic Athletic Association was founded in Thurles to promote the widely-played
Irish sports of hurling and football. The founders rejected the idea that
somehow cricket was a better stick-and-ball-game than hurling, or that soccer
had more to offer than the local football matches that included the superb
skill of high catching in a game where scoring included points as well as goals,
enhancing the enjoyment of spectators.
The founders
could not have anticipated how successful their organization would become with
local clubs starting and competitions growing in every town and city. Since the
1950’s the GAA has become the premier amateur sporting organization in Europe.
By the early
20th century, the Catholic Church enjoyed unquestioning allegiance
from the great majority of Irish people outside of the predominantly Protestant
areas in the northeast of the country. The church had emerged from the Penal
Laws and with their own seminary in Maynooth they exercised enormous power in their
parishes which stretched into every townland in Ireland. Within about half a
century the persecuted church had blossomed into a triumphant body.
Lord John Russel, prime minister twice in the
1850’s, explained the Westminster strategy: “we tried without success to
control the Irish by force and repression, so we decided to work with Rome
instead.”
Some
Protestants still adopted a snooty attitude to what they spoke of disparagingly
as popery, and they looked askance at some of the Catholic rituals and
devotional practices, including the celebration of mass and the practice of confession. The
ruling class was almost entirely Protestant and Unionist, but they knew that
they needed the clergy on their side and so they mostly avoided conflict with
them.
Priests ran
the schools and actively supported the important movement for Land Reform. Church
leaders celebrated the passage of the Wyndham Act in 1903, the crowning
achievement of the powerful Land League which achieved almost all of its
ambitious goals centering on tenant ownership.
In the spring and summer of 1918 Germany
seemed to be winning the Great War, so Lloyd George decided to introduce
military conscription in Ireland. This was vehemently opposed by the local
political parties but it was the all-out opposition in churches throughout the
country that doomed the prime minister’s proposal.
The
post-Famine years saw a major decline in Gaeltachts, Irish-speaking areas,
located almost entirely along the western seaboard. The Irish language was
associated with poverty, and emigrants from any of the Gaeltacht enclaves faced
major obstacles in learning to speak English in their new homes in London or
New York.
In 1893 the
Gaelic League was founded by Professor Eoin MacNeill, a strong nationalist, to
preserve Irish as a spoken language in the Gaeltachts and to expand its use
throughout the rest of the island. It was explicitly non-sectarian and
non-political. The first president, Dr. Douglas Hyde, was a Protestant from
County Roscommon. The top man leading the League in Belfast, Dr. John St. Clair
Boyd, identified himself as a Unionist.
The
leadership stressed the importance of thorough organization and branches of the
League were formed all over the country with an estimated membership of 50,000
by 1914. In 1898 there was only one big group in Dublin but by 1902 the number
of branches had exploded to 53. In many cases members were more interested in
the social dimension of the get-togethers, including dances, concerts and plays,
which provided an enjoyable alternative to the prevailing anglophone
entertainment.
Padraig
Pearse, who later led the Easter rebellion in 1916, was an ardent member and a
fluent Irish speaker. He edited their newspaper called An Claidheamh Solais
(The Sword of Light) for a number of years and he was prominent in promoting
all the League’s activities. At the behest of Pearse and other members of the
League, the authorities allowed the teaching of Irish in national schools.
At their
annual conference in 1915, held in Dundalk, a motion was passed affirming the
goal of Irish political independence. A similar proposal had failed the two
previous years. This movement away from its non-sectarian and non-political
origins led to the resignation of Douglas Hyde as president and stripped the
League of its Unionist supporters. Hyde later served as the first president of
Ireland from 1938 to 1945.
Overall, the
new confidence in the Catholic Church as well as the growth of gaelic games and
especially the proud assertion of a rich and distinctive native language,
represented by the Gaelic League, indicated a new and potent combination of
forces in Irish life aiming to de-anglicize the prevailing culture. This
spirit, rejecting the dominant English ethos, led to a political revolution and
the departure, under duress, of the British from most of the island in 1922.
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