Ireland 100 Years Ago Gerry O'Shea
In January, 1918, the Great
War, the war that it was said would end all wars, was entering its fifth year
with the German propagandists claiming a major planned offensive that would
lead to imminent victory.
About 350,000 Irishmen had
enlisted, prompted by what Yeats called "public men and cheering
crowds." John Redmond, the undisputed leader of Irish nationalism, who
successfully negotiated a limited Home Rule Bill in 1914, strongly urged
Irishmen to enlist in the war effort by
joining the English army.
These recruits surely did not
anticipate the appalling trench battles along the Western Front from Ypres in
the north to the Moselle River close to
the Swiss border. Tens of thousands of Irishmen died in support of a war that
the leaders in Westminster - ironically from an Irish perspective - claimed was
being fought to secure the freedom of small nations.
The Spanish flu, known to
many as La Grippe, became an international epidemic and resulted in close to 30
million deaths, about twice the number of civilians and combatants that died in
the European war from 1914 to 1918. La Grippe caused devastation in Ireland
sending about 23 thousand to an early grave.
John Redmond died in March in
his early sixties, and in April, despite vehement protests from the Irish
Parliamentary Party (IPP), Prime Minister Lloyd George, responding to pressure
from his generals, forced through the Military Conscription Bill, which
mandated military service for all young Irishmen.
Nationalist Ireland responded
with one voice that conscription would be opposed by all means available. Sinn
Fein and the IPP put aside their differences and co-operated in forcefully condemning any compulsion on an Irishman to wear the English uniform.
The Catholic Church, far more powerful and
better organized than either political party, called on its members to defeat
"an unjust and oppressive law." The involvement of the clergy was
evident in every parish, and their political tour de force against the
Westminster edict made compulsory conscription by the authorities politically
impossible, and largely because of their massive resistance Lloyd George
abandoned the idea.
Nationalist politicians
learned from this major victory over the London government just how powerful the
Catholic pulpit was. The church relished
their new political power and, in time, validated the Unionist fears that Home
Rule would be Rome Rule.
Another act of parliament,
the Representation of the People Act, had a momentous impact on electoral
politics in Ireland. This Bill, passed on February 6th, extended the franchise
to men over 21 and to women over 30. The number of eligible voters in Ireland
rose from 698,000 to 1.9 million. This change made a big difference in the
crucial 1918 Westminster elections in Ireland, which were held before Christmas
in that year.
There were four
hotly-contested by-elections in southern Ireland in 1917. The IPP argued that
Home Rule was still the answer to what one historian called " the damnable
question" of how Ireland should be governed. Sinn Fein presented a much
more radical proposal for complete independence from England and won all four
by-elections.
The general election in
December, following victory for the Allies in Europe, was the last to be conducted
on an All-Ireland basis. It resulted in Sinn Fein winning 73 seats out of 105. The
IPP won only in six constituencies and lost its credibility as spokesmen for
the nationalist cause.
Unionist intransigence combined
with British malfeasance and the legacy of idealism from the 1916 Rising
radicalized the Irish electorate. The half-measure of Home Rule, loudly cheered by nationalists a few years
before, was no longer sufficient.
Forty-seven of the new Sinn
Fein MP's were in jail on election day. The party, led by Eamon De Valera,
refused to take their seats in Westminster and instead set up its own Dail (parliament)
in Dublin.
Constance Markievicz, who played a prominent
role in the 1916 Rising, was the first woman elected to Westminster. De Valera
appointed her as Minister for Labor in the First Dail; we had to wait 60 years
for the next female minister, Maire Geoghegan-Quinn, to be appointed as a full
cabinet member in Dublin.
The Irish Convention was
setup by Lloyd George in July, 1917 with a mandate to hammer out some agreement
between Unionists and Nationalists. The IPP and Catholic bishops attended the
discussions in Trinity College, which continued until March of 1918, but failed
to find a compromise between the two communities. Sinn Fein chose not to
participate in these discussions because its goal of a 32-county republic was
not on the agenda.
Some historians believe that
this decision was a serious strategic mistake by De Valera and his advisors.
They contend that Sinn Fein nationalists needed to argue their case for a
republic and hear from Unionists about what kind of political arrangements they
envisaged for the whole island.
Tragically, especially for
Northern nationalists, that discussion on how two strong traditions could share
political power on the island didn't happen until the abortive effort in Sunningdale in the early 1970's and the
successful Good Friday Agreement twenty years ago - and 80 years since the
negotiations in Trinity College.
The terms Sinn Fein and the
IRA were used interchangeably and, after their major electoral victory in
December, it was only a matter of time until they asserted in arms the claim to
a republic with no ties to Britain.
On January 19th, 2019, a month after the
election results were confirmed, two policemen were shot dead in Soloheadbeg in
County Tipperary, ushering in the Irish War of Independence.
Gerry O'Shea blogs in wemustbetalking.com
Ireland 100 Years Ago Gerry O'Shea
In January, 1918, the Great
War, the war that it was said would end all wars, was entering its fifth year
with the German propagandists claiming a major planned offensive that would
lead to imminent victory.
About 350,000 Irishmen had
enlisted, prompted by what Yeats called "public men and cheering
crowds." John Redmond, the undisputed leader of Irish nationalism, who
successfully negotiated a limited Home Rule Bill in 1914, strongly urged
Irishmen to enlist in the war effort by
joining the English army.
These recruits surely did not
anticipate the appalling trench battles along the Western Front from Ypres in
the north to the Moselle River close to
the Swiss border. Tens of thousands of Irishmen died in support of a war that
the leaders in Westminster - ironically from an Irish perspective - claimed was
being fought to secure the freedom of small nations.
The Spanish flu, known to
many as La Grippe, became an international epidemic and resulted in close to 30
million deaths, about twice the number of civilians and combatants that died in
the European war from 1914 to 1918. La Grippe caused devastation in Ireland
sending about 23 thousand to an early grave.
John Redmond died in March in
his early sixties, and in April, despite vehement protests from the Irish
Parliamentary Party (IPP), Prime Minister Lloyd George, responding to pressure
from his generals, forced through the Military Conscription Bill, which
mandated military service for all young Irishmen.
Nationalist Ireland responded
with one voice that conscription would be opposed by all means available. Sinn
Fein and the IPP put aside their differences and co-operated in forcefully condemning any compulsion on an Irishman to wear the English uniform.
The Catholic Church, far more powerful and
better organized than either political party, called on its members to defeat
"an unjust and oppressive law." The involvement of the clergy was
evident in every parish, and their political tour de force against the
Westminster edict made compulsory conscription by the authorities politically
impossible, and largely because of their massive resistance Lloyd George
abandoned the idea.
Nationalist politicians
learned from this major victory over the London government just how powerful the
Catholic pulpit was. The church relished
their new political power and, in time, validated the Unionist fears that Home
Rule would be Rome Rule.
Another act of parliament,
the Representation of the People Act, had a momentous impact on electoral
politics in Ireland. This Bill, passed on February 6th, extended the franchise
to men over 21 and to women over 30. The number of eligible voters in Ireland
rose from 698,000 to 1.9 million. This change made a big difference in the
crucial 1918 Westminster elections in Ireland, which were held before Christmas
in that year.
There were four
hotly-contested by-elections in southern Ireland in 1917. The IPP argued that
Home Rule was still the answer to what one historian called " the damnable
question" of how Ireland should be governed. Sinn Fein presented a much
more radical proposal for complete independence from England and won all four
by-elections.
The general election in
December, following victory for the Allies in Europe, was the last to be conducted
on an All-Ireland basis. It resulted in Sinn Fein winning 73 seats out of 105. The
IPP won only in six constituencies and lost its credibility as spokesmen for
the nationalist cause.
Unionist intransigence combined
with British malfeasance and the legacy of idealism from the 1916 Rising
radicalized the Irish electorate. The half-measure of Home Rule, loudly cheered by nationalists a few years
before, was no longer sufficient.
Forty-seven of the new Sinn
Fein MP's were in jail on election day. The party, led by Eamon De Valera,
refused to take their seats in Westminster and instead set up its own Dail (parliament)
in Dublin.
Constance Markievicz, who played a prominent
role in the 1916 Rising, was the first woman elected to Westminster. De Valera
appointed her as Minister for Labor in the First Dail; we had to wait 60 years
for the next female minister, Maire Geoghegan-Quinn, to be appointed as a full
cabinet member in Dublin.
The Irish Convention was
setup by Lloyd George in July, 1917 with a mandate to hammer out some agreement
between Unionists and Nationalists. The IPP and Catholic bishops attended the
discussions in Trinity College, which continued until March of 1918, but failed
to find a compromise between the two communities. Sinn Fein chose not to
participate in these discussions because its goal of a 32-county republic was
not on the agenda.
Some historians believe that
this decision was a serious strategic mistake by De Valera and his advisors.
They contend that Sinn Fein nationalists needed to argue their case for a
republic and hear from Unionists about what kind of political arrangements they
envisaged for the whole island.
Tragically, especially for
Northern nationalists, that discussion on how two strong traditions could share
political power on the island didn't happen until the abortive effort in Sunningdale in the early 1970's and the
successful Good Friday Agreement twenty years ago - and 80 years since the
negotiations in Trinity College.
The terms Sinn Fein and the
IRA were used interchangeably and, after their major electoral victory in
December, it was only a matter of time until they asserted in arms the claim to
a republic with no ties to Britain.
On January 19th, 2019, a month after the
election results were confirmed, two policemen were shot dead in Soloheadbeg in
County Tipperary, ushering in the Irish War of Independence.
Gerry O'Shea blogs in wemustbetalking.com
Ireland 100 Years Ago Gerry O'Shea
In January, 1918, the Great
War, the war that it was said would end all wars, was entering its fifth year
with the German propagandists claiming a major planned offensive that would
lead to imminent victory.
About 350,000 Irishmen had
enlisted, prompted by what Yeats called "public men and cheering
crowds." John Redmond, the undisputed leader of Irish nationalism, who
successfully negotiated a limited Home Rule Bill in 1914, strongly urged
Irishmen to enlist in the war effort by
joining the English army.
These recruits surely did not
anticipate the appalling trench battles along the Western Front from Ypres in
the north to the Moselle River close to
the Swiss border. Tens of thousands of Irishmen died in support of a war that
the leaders in Westminster - ironically from an Irish perspective - claimed was
being fought to secure the freedom of small nations.
The Spanish flu, known to
many as La Grippe, became an international epidemic and resulted in close to 30
million deaths, about twice the number of civilians and combatants that died in
the European war from 1914 to 1918. La Grippe caused devastation in Ireland
sending about 23 thousand to an early grave.
John Redmond died in March in
his early sixties, and in April, despite vehement protests from the Irish
Parliamentary Party (IPP), Prime Minister Lloyd George, responding to pressure
from his generals, forced through the Military Conscription Bill, which
mandated military service for all young Irishmen.
Nationalist Ireland responded
with one voice that conscription would be opposed by all means available. Sinn
Fein and the IPP put aside their differences and co-operated in forcefully condemning any compulsion on an Irishman to wear the English uniform.
The Catholic Church, far more powerful and
better organized than either political party, called on its members to defeat
"an unjust and oppressive law." The involvement of the clergy was
evident in every parish, and their political tour de force against the
Westminster edict made compulsory conscription by the authorities politically
impossible, and largely because of their massive resistance Lloyd George
abandoned the idea.
Nationalist politicians
learned from this major victory over the London government just how powerful the
Catholic pulpit was. The church relished
their new political power and, in time, validated the Unionist fears that Home
Rule would be Rome Rule.
Another act of parliament,
the Representation of the People Act, had a momentous impact on electoral
politics in Ireland. This Bill, passed on February 6th, extended the franchise
to men over 21 and to women over 30. The number of eligible voters in Ireland
rose from 698,000 to 1.9 million. This change made a big difference in the
crucial 1918 Westminster elections in Ireland, which were held before Christmas
in that year.
There were four
hotly-contested by-elections in southern Ireland in 1917. The IPP argued that
Home Rule was still the answer to what one historian called " the damnable
question" of how Ireland should be governed. Sinn Fein presented a much
more radical proposal for complete independence from England and won all four
by-elections.
The general election in
December, following victory for the Allies in Europe, was the last to be conducted
on an All-Ireland basis. It resulted in Sinn Fein winning 73 seats out of 105. The
IPP won only in six constituencies and lost its credibility as spokesmen for
the nationalist cause.
Unionist intransigence combined
with British malfeasance and the legacy of idealism from the 1916 Rising
radicalized the Irish electorate. The half-measure of Home Rule, loudly cheered by nationalists a few years
before, was no longer sufficient.
Forty-seven of the new Sinn
Fein MP's were in jail on election day. The party, led by Eamon De Valera,
refused to take their seats in Westminster and instead set up its own Dail (parliament)
in Dublin.
Constance Markievicz, who played a prominent
role in the 1916 Rising, was the first woman elected to Westminster. De Valera
appointed her as Minister for Labor in the First Dail; we had to wait 60 years
for the next female minister, Maire Geoghegan-Quinn, to be appointed as a full
cabinet member in Dublin.
The Irish Convention was
setup by Lloyd George in July, 1917 with a mandate to hammer out some agreement
between Unionists and Nationalists. The IPP and Catholic bishops attended the
discussions in Trinity College, which continued until March of 1918, but failed
to find a compromise between the two communities. Sinn Fein chose not to
participate in these discussions because its goal of a 32-county republic was
not on the agenda.
Some historians believe that
this decision was a serious strategic mistake by De Valera and his advisors.
They contend that Sinn Fein nationalists needed to argue their case for a
republic and hear from Unionists about what kind of political arrangements they
envisaged for the whole island.
Tragically, especially for
Northern nationalists, that discussion on how two strong traditions could share
political power on the island didn't happen until the abortive effort in Sunningdale in the early 1970's and the
successful Good Friday Agreement twenty years ago - and 80 years since the
negotiations in Trinity College.
The terms Sinn Fein and the
IRA were used interchangeably and, after their major electoral victory in
December, it was only a matter of time until they asserted in arms the claim to
a republic with no ties to Britain.
On January 19th, 2019, a month after the
election results were confirmed, two policemen were shot dead in Soloheadbeg in
County Tipperary, ushering in the Irish War of Independence.
Gerry O'Shea blogs in wemustbetalking.com
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